The Most Dangerous Branch

Inside the Supreme Court's Assault on the Constitution
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In the bestselling tradition of The Nine and The Brethren, The Most Dangerous Branch takes us inside the secret world of the Supreme Court. David A. Kaplan, the former legal affairs editor of Newsweek, shows how the justices subvert the role of the other branches of government—and how we’ve come to accept it at our peril.

With the retirement of Justice Anthony Kennedy, the Court has never before been more central in American life. It is the nine justices who too often now decide the controversial issues of our time—from abortion and same-sex marriage, to gun control, campaign finance and voting rights. The Court is so crucial that many voters in 2016 made their choice based on whom they thought their presidential candidate would name to the Court. Donald Trump picked Neil Gorsuch—the key decision of his new administration. The next justice—replacing Anthony Kennedy—will be even more important, holding the swing vote over so much social policy. Is that really how democracy is supposed to work?

Based on exclusive interviews with the justices and dozens of their law clerks, Kaplan provides fresh details about life behind the scenes at the Court – Clarence Thomas’s simmering rage, Antonin Scalia’s death, Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s celebrity, Breyer Bingo, the petty feuding between Gorsuch and the chief justice, and what John Roberts thinks of his critics.
 
Kaplan presents a sweeping narrative of the justices’ aggrandizement of power over the decades – from Roe v. Wade to Bush v. Gore to Citizens United, to rulings during the 2017-18 term. But the arrogance of the Court isn’t partisan: Conservative and liberal justices alike are guilty of overreach. Challenging conventional wisdom about the Court’s transcendent power, The Most Dangerous Branch is sure to rile both sides of the political aisle.

Praise

“David Kaplan has an inquiring mind and a lively style. He also has some incredible sources inside the Court who have helped him open a window on the inner workings of the most opaque branch of our government. At a moment when the Court’s future hangs in the balance because of the retirement of Justice Kennedy, this book is important, even urgent (and it has plenty of dish, too).”

–DANIEL OKRENT
author of Last Call: The Rise and Fall of Prohibition

“This is a book for our times. As the Supreme Court has become a focus of elections, confirmation battles and partisan decisions, The Most Dangerous Branch tells the story, in a compelling way, of the “triumphalism” of the justices, both liberal and conservative. It warns against the increasing power of what was supposed to be the least dangerous branch—nine unelected judges who allocate to themselves decision-making authority over issues that should be left to the elected branches. Read it and start worrying. Then demand change.”

–ALAN DERSHOWITZ
Professor Emeritus at Harvard Law School and Author of The Case Against Impeaching Trump

“David Kaplan mixes the gifts of a colorful storyteller with the incisiveness of a first-class legal brief. Read this book for an original argument on a judicial power grab and to find out why Neil Gorsuch is ‘like an eight-year-old in a counter-revolutionary candy store.’”

–JONATHAN ALTER
author of The Center Holds: Obama and His Enemies

“Unafraid of the controversy he will certainly create, David Kaplan has written an important and provocative book about our nation’s least understood, and yet enormously powerful, branch of government. It’s a book that every citizen should read.”

–DAVID BOIES
Chairman, Boies Schiller Flexner and Author of Courting Justice

“With the voice of a gifted narrator and the insight of a relentless journalist, Kaplan lifts the veil on the Supreme Court. Through intimate portraits of the nine justices, explorations of their most consequential decisions, and a cinematic portrayal of the Court's central role in our politics, Kaplan makes a compelling case that the other branches have acquiesced to the Court’s power – and that the Court is indeed The Most Dangerous Branch.”

–DANNY STRONG
Co-creator of Empire; Screenwriter for Recount, Game Change, The Butler

“Kaplan spares the feelings of neither liberals nor conservatives in this provocative and timely account of how the Supreme Court evolved into something the founders wouldn’t recognize.”

–H.W. BRANDS
Jack S. Blanton Chair in History at the University of Texas at Austin, and author of Traitor to His Class and Reagan: The Life

Excerpt

EXCERPT FROM THE MOST DANGEROUS BRANCH:
WE’RE ALL JUDICIAL ACTIVISTS NOW

In our constitutional system, the justices of the Supreme Court are deities, announcing the law of the land from on high. And while liberals and conservatives disagree about desired results, they are indistinguishable in their view about that primacy. Asked about the premise of my book, The Most Dangerous Branch—that the Court, in case after big case, too often acts when it should not—a liberal justice and a conservative each gave the same answer: “I half-agree with you!”*

Distrustful of popular will when it’s inconvenient, litigants from both sides of the ideological aisle rush to the Court to prosecute grievances or to claim perceived rights that eluded them in Congress (and in state legislatures). Abortion, gun control, campaign finance, gay marriage—these are among the difficult issues that the Court chooses to resolve. So we don’t bother to fight them in elections —the results of which can be overturned the following November—when a victory in the Supreme Court can cement an outcome for a lifetime? Why attempt to persuade millions of citizens to endorse a position when all you need is five of nine unaccountable justices? Each time demonstrators convene outside the Court, they surely miss the irony that they’re marching right past the Capitol across the street.

When the Court anoints itself as arbiter, the winning side exalts the courage of the justices. The losers holler about “an imperial judiciary.” What exactly is the difference between “making the law” and “interpreting the law”? It’s merely about whether you like the way the justices voted in today’s case. We all favor “judicial restraint” and oppose “judicial activism”—except, naturally, when we don’t, in which case we just call them by the opposite label. “Judicial restraint”—and its cousin, “strict construction” of the Constitution— are the chameleons of American law, instantly able to change philosophical color when expediency requires. “Judicial activism” is what the other guy does. But in truth, everybody’s an activist now.

The corrosive result is twofold: an arrogant Court and an enfeebled Congress that rarely is willing to tackle the toughest issues. Each feeds on the other. The justices frequently step in because they believe the members of Congress—elected by the people though they may be—act like fools or, like cowards, fail to act. Happy to stay off the battlefield, Congress seldom raises a peep, other than to crowd the cameras during occasional Senate confirmation hearings on a new justice. The result is dwindling public faith in both institutions.

The triumphalism of the Court—its eagerness to be in the vortex of social and political disputes, its wholesale lack of deference to the other branches of government—explains in part the cynical uses to which it has been subjected by presidents and senators. That cynicism, masquerading as “fidelity to the rule of law,” is understandable. But the Court’s drop in standing among the public in recent decades—the reason opinion surveys and mainstream commentary have so often reflected an attitude that the justices are partisans-in-robes—is a mostly self-inflicted wound. Forget the robes—maybe the job should come with tights and a cape.

That reflects not a liberal or conservative sentiment, but a growing conviction that the Court has squandered its institutional capital. It is altogether possible to be politically liberal and to oppose an aggressive Court. It is entirely consistent to be politically conservative and to oppose an aggressive Court. Political ends do not justify judicial means.

Under Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr., there is a now-ascendant conservative “bloc” of justices, appointed by Republicans, and there is a liberal “bloc,” appointed by Democrats. The tendency toward viewing judges as political proxies has only accelerated during the Trump presidency.  When journalists write about a justice, they routinely include the party of the president who appointed the justice—as if members of the Court were little different than stand-ins at the Department of Agriculture. When the votes of justices in controversial cases can be predicted at the outset, constitutional law simply becomes partisan politics by another name. If you usually know beforehand how justices will come out—and if it’s a function of the political party of the president who appointed them—why have a Court at all?

A month before the Constitution was ratified in 1788, Alexander Hamilton explained the source of the new Court’s authority. The other branches—and the people—would obey the Court because of its prestige. Rulings would be based “neither on force nor will, but merely judgment,” he wrote in Federalist No. 78. The Court lacked infantry and warships. It had no source of revenue except what Congress gave it. By Hamilton’s reckoning, whereas the president “holds the sword” and Congress “commands the purse,” the U.S. Supreme Court would be “the least dangerous branch.”

That’s no longer so. We know that Congress can pass unwise laws. We’ve come to realize that a president can initiate foolish wars, abuse his executive authority, and spread lies. But the Supreme Court’s power grab in recent decades is more insidious, more destructive of American values in the long term. Impatiently, myopically, with deep distrust in our elected representatives, we have come to believe democracy is broken. And too often we’ve come to see the justices as our saviors. With so much dysfunction in government, the justices see themselves that way, too. But we need more politics, not less politics. We do not need, nor should we want, the court to save us from ourselves.

Adapted from THE MOST DANGEROUS BRANCH: INSIDE THE SUPREME COURT’S ASSAULT ON THE CONSTITUTION Copyright © 2018 by David A. Kaplan. Published by Crown Publishers, an imprint of Penguin Random House LLC.

Reader's Guide

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Coyle, Marcia. “Young Scholar, Now Lawyer, Says Clarence Thomas Groped Her in 1999,” National Law Journal, Oct. 27, 2016.

Crawford, Jan. “Roberts Switched Views to Uphold Health Care Law.” CBS News, July 2, 2012.

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Ehrenreich, Barbara. “Mothers Unite.” New Republic, July 10, 1989.

Eisler, Kim Isaac. “The Real Story Behind Roe v. Wade.” Washingtonian, Oct. 1993.

Epps, Daniel. “In Health Care Ruling, Roberts, Steals a Move from John Marshall’s Playbook,” Atlantic, June 28, 2012

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Erdogan, Melodi, & Jennifer Blake. “Elderly Nun Sentenced to Nearly Three Years for Tennessee Nuclear Break-in.” Reuters, Feb. 18, 2014.

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Fandos, Nicholas. “Law School Renamed for Antonin Scalia, Again. Blame Acronym.” New York Times, Apr. 5, 2016.

Fermino, Jennifer. “Does a Picture of Elena Kagan Playing Softball Suggest She’s a Lesbian?” New York Post, May 13, 2010.

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Greenhouse, Linda. “Another Kind of Bitter Split.” New York Times, Dec. 14, 2000, A23.

———. “Chief Justice Is Admitted to Hospital After Seizure.” New York Times, July 31, 2007.

———. “Court Veteran Remembers a Scary Start.” New York Times, Feb. 16, 2006.

———. ”Misconceptions.” New York Times, Jan. 23, 2013.

Hamm, Andrew. “Ginsburg and Sotomayor Talk Food at the Court.” SCOTUSblog, June 2, 2016.

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———. “Roberts’ Iffy Support for Voting Rights.” Los Angeles Times, Aug. 3, 2005.

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Klein, Ezra. “The Political Genius of John Roberts.” Washington Post, June 28, 2012.

Kneeland, Douglas E. “Clark Defeat in Iowa Laid to Abortion Issue.” New York Times, Nov. 13, 1978.

Kornblut, Anne E. “In Re Grammar, Roberts’s Stance Is Crystal Clear.” New York Times, Aug. 29, 2005.

Krystal, Becky. “How Federal Government Cafeterias Stack Up.” Washington Post, July 14, 2010.

Kurtz, Howard. “White House Slams CBS on Blog Post About Kagan’s Sexuality.” Washington Post, Apr. 16, 2010.

Landay, Jerry. “The Federalist Society: The Conservative Cabal That’s Transforming American Law.” Washington Monthly, Mar. 2000.

Landers, Rich. “O’Connor: Roberts ‘Good in Every Way, Except He’s Not a Woman.’” Spokesman-Review, July 20, 2005.

Lat, David. “Justice Alito Turned Away From Sunday Brunch.” Above the Law blog, Oct. 26, 2014.

“Legislative Assaults on State Courts,” Brennan Center for Justice (2018).

Leonhardt, David. “Democrats Had a Knife, and the GOP Had a Gun.” New York Times, Dec. 20, 2016.

———. “In Public Opinion on Abortion, Few Absolutes.” New York Times, July 7, 2013.

Levy, Ariel. “The Perfect Wife: How Edith Windsor Fell in Love, Got Married, and Won a Landmark Case for Gay Marriage.” New Yorker, Sept. 30, 2013.

Lewis, Neil A. “Justice Thomas Speaks Out on a Timely Topic, Several of Them, in Fact.” New York Times, Dec. 14, 2000.

“Liabilities.” Financial Disclosure Reports, CY 2012–14, OpenSecrets.

Liptak, Adam. “After Ruling, Roberts Makes a Getaway from the Scorn.” New York Times, July 2, 2012.

———. “As Justices Get Back to Business, Old Pro Reveals Tricks of the Trade.” New York Times, Oct. 3, 2011.

———. “Carefully Plotted Course Propels Gun Case to Top.” New York Times, Dec. 3, 2007.

———. “Confident and Assertive, Gorsuch Hurries to Make His Mark.” New York Times, July 4, 2017.

———. “Court Is ‘One of Most Activist,’ Ginsburg Says, Vowing to Stay.” New York Times, Aug. 24, 2013.

———. “In Battle Over Marriage, the Timing May Be Key.” New York Times, Oct. 27, 2009.

———. “In Clerks’ Careers, Signs of Polarization on the Supreme Court Bench.” New York Times, Sept. 6, 2010.

———. “Judging a Court with Ex-Judges Only.” New York Times, Feb. 17, 2009.

———. “Justice Stevens Suggests Solution for ‘Giant Step in the Wrong Direction.’” New York Times, Apr. 22, 2014.

———. “Shadow of Roe v. Wade Looms Over Ruling on Gay Marriage.” New York Times, Mar. 24, 2013.

———. “Supreme Court Appointment Could Reshape American Life.” New York Times, Feb. 19, 2016.

———. “Supreme Court to Revisit ‘Hillary’ Documentary.” New York Times, Aug. 29, 2009.

———. “Thomas Ends 10-Year Silence on the Bench.” New York Times, Mar. 1, 2016.

Liptak, Adam, & Alicia Parlapiano. “Conservatives in Charge, the Supreme Court Moved Right,” New York Times, June 28, 2018.

Lithwick, Dahlia. “Justice LOLZ Grumpycat Notorious R.B.G.” Slate, Mar. 16, 2015.

———. “Will He or Won’t He?” Slate, May 26, 2017.

Lithwick, Dahlia, & Mark Joseph Stern. “Not All Must Rise.” Slate, Apr. 27, 2015.

Margolick, David. “Scholarly Consensus Builder: Stephen Gerald Breyer.” New York Times, May 14, 1994.

Margolick, David, et al. “The Path to Florida.” Vanity Fair, Oct. 2004.

Mauro, Tony. “Courtside: Katyal’s Path to Hogan Lovells.” National Law Journal Supreme Court Insider, Sept. 7, 2011.

McFadden, Robert D. “Edith Windsor, 88, Marriage Equality Plaintiff, Dies.” New York Times, Sept. 13, 2017.

McKinley, Jesse. “Bush v. Gore Foes Join to Fight California Gay Marriage Ban.” New York Times, May 27, 2009.

Mencimer, Stephanie. “Hillary’s Hero: Judge Royce Lamberth.” Mother Jones, Jan. 2008.

Milbank, Dana. “Wonderwonk.” New Republic, May 18, 1998.

Murphy, Bruce Allen. “Scalia and the ‘Dead’ Constitution.” New York Times, Feb. 15, 2016.

“National Vital Statistics Reports.” U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Nov. 6, 2014.

Navarrette, Ruben. “Clarence Thomas Is Right About Race.” CNN Online, Feb. 14, 2014.

“New Voting Restrictions in America.” Brennan Center for Justice (2017).

Newman, Jon O. “Judging’s a Lot More Than Balls and Strikes.” Hartford Courant, Sept. 8, 2009.

“1976’s Sleeper Issue.” Newsweek, Feb. 9, 1976.

“$1 Million Endows Professorship at George Mason University.” George Mason University Media and Public Relations, Jan. 28, 2003.

Ornstein, Norm. “Why the Supreme Court Needs Term Limits.” Atlantic, May 22, 2014.

Parker, Ashley, et al. “Trump Talked About Rescinding Gorsuch’s Nomination.” Washington Post, Dec. 19, 2017.

Parker, Kathleen. “Democrats Put John Roberts on Trial.” Washington Post, May 23, 2012.

Paulsen, Michael Stokes. “2014 Supreme Court Roundup.” First Things, Nov. 2014.

Payson-Denney, Wade. “So Who Really Won?” CNN Online, Oct. 31, 2015.

Pellettieri, Jill. “Explainer: FAQ: Gay Marriage.” Slate, Feb. 27, 2004.

Persily, Nathaniel. “The Floodgates Were Already Open.” Slate, Jan. 25, 2010.

Posner, Eric. “Supreme Court 2013: The Year in Review.” Slate, June 26, 2013.

Posner, Richard A. “In Defense of Looseness.” New Republic, Aug. 27, 2008.

———. “The Incoherence of Antonin Scalia.” New Republic, Aug. 24, 2012.

———. “Richard Posner Responds to Antonin Scalia’s Accusation of Lying.” New Republic, Sept. 20, 2012.

———. “Supreme Court 2013: The Year in Review.” Slate, June 26, 2013.

Raines, Howell. “Reagan Backs Evangelicals in Their Political Activities.” New York Times, Aug. 23, 1980.

Reagan, Ronald. “Ronald Reagan Champions Gun Ownership.” Guns & Ammo, Sept. 1975.

Redish, Martin H. “Trump Is Not Above the Courts.” New York Times, Mar. 16, 2017.

“Religion—National Exit Polls Table.” New York Times, Nov. 5, 2008.

Rhor, Monica. “Ex-Houston Prosecutor Avoids Charges Over Emails.” Associated Press, Dec. 2, 2008.

“The Right to Be Left Alone.” Boston Globe, July 1, 1986.

“The Right to Keep and Bear Arms.” Report of the Subcommittee on the Constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary (preface), Jan. 20, 1982.

Roberts, Roxanne. “He Said v. She Said.” Washington Post, Apr. 10, 2016.

Rogers, Brian, & Peggy O’Hare. “Rosenthal Cites Prescription Drugs in Resignation as DA.” Houston Chronicle, Feb. 15, 2008.

Rosen, Jeffrey. “Why I Miss Sandra Day O’Connor.” New Republic, July 1, 2011.

———. “The Agonizer.” New Yorker, Nov. 11, 1996.

———. “A Majority of One.” New York Times Magazine, June 3, 2001.

———. “Supreme Leader: On the Arrogance of Anthony Kennedy.” New Republic, June 16, 2007.

Salemi, Jim. “Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia speaks at Wesleyan.” Middletown Press, Mar. 8, 2012.

Savage, Charlie. “Trump Gets Chance to Influence American Life for Generations Through Supreme Court Pick,” New York Times, June 27, 2018.

———. “On Nixon Tapes, Ambivalence Over Abortion, Not Watergate.” New York Times, June 23, 2009.

Savage, David. “‘Thurgood’ Play Captures Justice Thurgood Marshall.” Los Angeles Times, July 13, 2010.

———. “Obama and Biden Meet with Supreme Court Justices.” Los Angeles Times, Jan. 15, 2009.

Scalia, Antonin. “Ruth Bader Ginsburg.” Time, Apr. 15, 2015.

Serrano, Richard A. “Roberts Donated Help to Gay Rights Case.” Los Angeles Times, Aug. 4, 2005.

Shapiro, Ilya. “Courts Shouldn’t Join the #Resistance.” Cato at Liberty, May 29, 2017.

Skolnik, Sam. “Heller Attorneys Awarded $1.1M in Fees, One-Third of Their Request.” Legal Times, Dec. 29, 2011.

Senior, Jennifer. “In Conversation: Antonin Scalia.” New York, Oct. 6, 2013.

Smith, Ben. “Kagan’s Friends: She’s Not Gay.” Politico, May 11, 2010.

Smith, Emily. “The Clooneys Dine With Supreme Court Justice Sotomayor.” New York Post, Apr. 9, 2015.

Smith, Morgan. “One Man Standing Against Race-Based Laws.” New York Times, Feb. 24, 2012.

“Statement of the Administrative Committee National Conference of Catholic Bishops on the Anti-Abortion Amendment.” United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, Sept. 18, 1973.

Stevens, John Paul. “Repeal the Second Amendment,” New York Times, Mar. 28, 2018.

Stewart, James B. “How Broccoli Landed on Supreme Court Menu.” New York Times, June 14, 2012, A1.

Sullivan, Andrew. “Here Comes the Groom: A (Conservative Case for Gay Marriage.” New Republic, Aug. 28, 1989.

Sutton, Jeffrey S. “Antonin Scalia—A Justice in Full.” National Review, Feb. 29, 2016.

Taylor, Stuart. “Life Tenure Is Too Long for Supreme Court Justices.” Atlantic, June 2005.

Tolchin, Martin. “Senators Elucidate Shift on Abortions.” New York Times, July 1, 1977.

“Total Section 5 Changes Received by the Attorney General, 1965 through 2013.” U.S. Department of Justice (2013).

Totenberg, Nina. “At Harvard, Kagan Won More Fans than Foes.” NPR, May 18, 2010.

———. “Scalia Vigorously Defends a ‘Dead’ Constitution.” NPR, Apr. 28, 2008.

———. “The Supreme Court and ‘Brown v. Board of Ed.’: The Deliberations Behind the Landmark 1954 Ruling.” NPR, Dec. 8, 2003.

Tsiaperas, Tasha. “Constitution a ‘Dead, Dead, Dead’ Document, Scalia Tells SMU Audience.” Dallas Morning News, Jan. 28, 2013.

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Vladek, Steve. “Online Alexander Bickel Symposium: The Passive Virtues as Means, Not Ends.” SCOTUSblog, Aug. 21, 2012.

“The Unborn and the Born Again.” New Republic, July 2, 1977.

Walsh, Mark A. “A View From the Courtroom: Same-Sex Marriage Edition.” SCOTUSblog, Apr. 28, 2015.

Weber, Bruce. “Umpires v. Judges.” New York Times, July 11, 2009.

Wemple, Erik. “‘That’s a Shocker’: Trump Ribs Press on Visit by Retiring Justice Anthony Kennedy,” Washington Post, June 27, 2018.

Will, George F. “A Liberal Squeeze Play.” Washington Post, May 27, 2012.

———. “Why Conservatives Need Judicial Activism.” Washington Post, Jan. 23, 2014.

———. “Why Liberals Fear ‘Lochner.’” Washington Post, Sept. 8, 2011.

Wills, Garry. “To Keep and Bear Arms.” New York Review of Books, Sept. 21, 1995.

Winer, Laurie. “The Avenger.” New York Times, June 20, 2010.

Yoo, John. “Scalia and the Future of the Supreme Court.” FrontPage Mag, Apr. 22, 2016.

Scholarly Articles

Amar, Akhil Reed. “Attainder and Amendment 2: Romer’s Rightness.” 95 Michigan Law Review 203 (1996).

Balkin, Jack M. “Bush v. Gore and the Boundary Between Law and Politics.” 110 Yale Law Journal 1407 (2001).

Bickel, Alexander M. “The Supreme Court, 1960 Term—Foreword: The Passive Virtues.” 75 Harvard Law Review 40 (1961).

Brandeis, Louis. “The Right to Privacy.” 4 Harvard Law Review 193 (1890).

Brennan, William J., Jr. “The Constitution of the United States: Contemporary Ratification.” 27 South Texas Law Review 433 (1986).

Calabresi, Steven G., & James Lindgren. “Term Limits for the Supreme Court: Life Tenure Reconsidered.” 29 Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy 769 (2006).

Carter, Edward L., & Edward E. Adams, “Justice Owen J. Roberts on 1937.” 15 Green Bag 2d 375 (2012).

Ellmann, Stephen. “The Rule of Law and the Achievement of Unanimity in Brown.” 49 New York Law School Review 741 (2004).

Ely, John Hart. “Foreword: On Discovering Fundamental Values.” 92 Harvard Law Review 5 (1978).

———. “The Wages of Crying Wolf: A Comment on Roe v. Wade.” 82 Yale Law Journal 920 (1973).

Epstein, Lee, Andrew D. Martin, & Kevin Quinn. “President-Elect Trump and his Possible Justices.” Washington University in St. Louis, Dec. 15, 2016.

Fassett, John David, et al. “Supreme Court Law Clerks’ Recollections of Brown v. Board of Education.” 78 St. John’s Law Review 515 (2004).

Finkelstein, Maurice. “Further Notes on Judicial Self-Limitation.” 39 Harvard Law Review 221 (1925).

Frankfurter, Felix. “Mr. Justice Roberts.” 104 University of Pennsylvania Law Review 311 (1955).

Franklin, Kris. “The Rhetorics of Legal Authority: Constructing Authoritativeness, The ‘Ellen Effect,’ and the Example of Sodomy Law.” 33 Rutgers Law Journal 49 (2001).

Friedman, Barry. “The Birth of an Academic Obsession: The History of the Countermajoritarian Difficulty, Part Five.” 112 Yale Law Journal 153 (2002).

Frye, Brian L. “The Peculiar Story of United States v. Miller.” 3 NYU Journal of Law & Liberty 48 (2008).

Gerken, Heather K. “Windsor’s Mad Genius: The Interlocking Gears of Rights and Structure.” Yale Faculty Scholarship Series, Paper 4892 (2015).

Gilroy, William G. “A Conversation with Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg.” Notre Dame News.

Ginsburg, Ruth Bader. “Some Thoughts on Autonomy and Equality.” 63 North Carolina Law Review 375 (1985).

———. “Speaking in a Judicial Voice.” 67 New York University Law Review 1185 (1992).

Gorsuch, Neil M. “2016 Sumner Canary Memorial Lecture: Of Lions and Bears, Judges and Legislators, and the Legacy of Justice Scalia.” 66 Case Western Reserve Law Review 905 (2016).

Graber, Mark A. “The Passive-Aggressive Virtues: Cohen v. Virginia and the Problematic Establishment of Judicial Power.” 12 Constitutional Comment 67 (1995).

Greenhouse, Linda. “A Tale of Two Justices.” 11 Green Bag 2d 37 (2008).

Greenhouse, Linda, & Reva B. Siegel. “Backlash to the Future: From Roe to Perry.” 60 UCLA Law Review 240 (2013).

———. “Before (and After) Roe v. Wade: New Questions About Backlash.” 120 Yale Law Journal 2028 (2011).

Gunther, Gerald. “The Subtle Vices of the ‘Passive Virtues’—A Comment on Principle and Expediency in Judicial Review.” 64 Columbia Law Review 1 (1964).

Horowitz, Morton J. “Foreword: The Constitution of Change: Legal Fundamentality Without Fundamentalism.” 107 Harvard Law Review 30 (1993).

Kagan, Elena. “Confirmation Messes, Old and New.” 62 University of Chicago Law Review 919 (1995).

Karlan, Pamela S. “The Supreme Court, 2011 Term—Foreword: Democracy and Disdain.” 126 Harvard Law Review 1 (2012).

Klarman, Michael J. “How Brown Changed Race Relations: The Backlash Thesis.” 81 Journal of American History 81 (1994).

Kramer, Larry D. “Judicial Supremacy and the End of Judicial Restraint.” 100 California Law Review 621 (2012).

———. “Marbury and the Retreat from Judicial Supremacy.” 20 Constitutional Commentary 205 (2003).

———. “The Supreme Court, 2000 Term—Foreword: We the Court.” 115 Harvard Law Review 4 (2001).

Kramer, Victor H. “The Case of Justice Stevens: How to Select, Nominate and Confirm a Justice of the United States Supreme Court.” 7 Constitutional Commentary 325 (1990).

Levinson, Sanford. “The Embarrassing Second Amendment.” 99 Yale Law Journal 637 (1989).

Matz, Earl M. “The Prospects for a Revival of Conservative Activism in Constitutional Jurisprudence.” 24 Georgia Law Review 629 (1990).

Posner, Richard A. “Legal Reasoning from the Top Down and from the Bottom Up: The Question of Unenumerated Constitutional Rights.” 59 University of Chicago Law Review 433 (1992).

———. “The Rise and Fall of Judicial Self-Restraint.” 100 California Law Review 519 (2012).

Prakash, Saikrishna B., & John C. Yoo. “The Origins of Judicial Review.” 70 University of Chicago Law Review 887 (2003).

Randolph, Raymond. “Before Roe v. Wade: Judge Friendly’s Draft Abortion Opinion.” 29 Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy 1035 (2006).

Re, Richard M. “The Doctrine of One Last Chance.” 17 Green Bag 2d 173 (2014).

Rosen, Mark D., & Christopher W. Schmidt. “Why Broccoli? Limiting Principles and Popular Constitutionalism in the Health Care Case.” 61 UCLA Law Review 66 (2013).

Samuel, Ian. “The Counter-Clerks of Justice Scalia.” 10 New York University Journal of Law & Liberty 1 (2016).

Scalia, Antonin. “Originalism: The Lesser Evil.” 57 University of Cincinnati Law Review 849 (1989).

Schmidt, Christopher W., & Carolyn Shapiro. “Oral Dissenting on the Supreme Court.” 19 William & Mary Bill of Rights Journal 75 (2010).

Seinfeld, Gil. “The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly: Reflections of a Counter-Clerk.” 114 Michigan Law Review First Impressions 111 (2016).

Siegel, Reva B. “Dead or Alive: Originalism as Popular Constitutionalism in Heller.” 122 Harvard Law Review 191 (2008).

———. “The Supreme Court, 2012 Term—Foreword: Equality Divided.” 127 Harvard Law Review 1 (2013).

Strauss, David A. “Is Carolene Products Obsolete?” 2010 University of Illinois Law Review 1251 (2010).

Sunstein, Cass. “In Memoriam: Justice Antonin Scalia.” 130 Harvard Law Review 1 (2016).

Thayer, James B. “The Origin and Scope of the American Doctrine of Constitutional Law.” 7 Harvard Law Review 129 (1893).

Tushnet, Mark V. “Following the Rules Laid Down: A Critique of Interpretivism and Neutral Principles.” 96 Harvard Law Review 781 (1983).

Wechsler, Herbert. “Toward Neutral Principles of Constitutional Law.” 73 Harvard Law Review 1 (1959).

Wilkinson, J. Harvie III. “Of Guns, Abortions, and the Unraveling Rule of Law.” 95 Virginia Law Review 253 (2009).

Wood, Diane P. “Is It Time to Abolish the Federal Circuit’s Exclusive Jurisdiction in Patent Cases?” 13 Chicago-Kent Journal of Intellectual Property 1 (2013).

Zimring, Franklin E. “Firearms and Federal Law: The Gun Control Act of 1968.” 4 Journal of Legal Studies 133 (1975).

Manuscript Collections

Harry A. Blackmun Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

William J. Brennan Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

William O. Douglas Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

Felix Frankfurter Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

Thurgood Marshall Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

Cases

Abbott v. Perez, No. 17-586 (2018)

Abele v. Markle, 351 F. Supp. 224 (D. Conn. 1972)

Abood v. Detroit Board of Education, 431 U.S. 209 (1977)

Akron v. Akron Center For Reproductive Health, 462 U.S. 416 (1983)

A.L.A. Schechter Poultry Corp. v. United States, 295 U.S. 495 (1935)

Allgeyer v. Louisiana, 165 U.S. 578 (1897)

Arizona v. Inter Tribal Council of Arizona, 133 S. Ct. 2247 (2013)

Arlene’s Flowers v. Washington, No. 17-108 (2018)

Artis v. District of Columbia, No. 16-460 (2018)

Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce, 494 U.S. 652 (1990)

Baehr v. Lewin, 74 Haw. 645 (1993)

Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 267 (1962)

Baker v. Nelson, 291 Minn. 310 (1971)

Benisek v. Lamone, No. 17-333 (2018)

Boumediene v. Bush, 553 U.S. 723 (2008)

Bowers v. Hardwick, 478 U.S. 186 (1986)

Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954)

Brown v. Board of Education, 349 U.S. 294 (1955)(“Brown II”)

Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976)

Bush v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98 (2000)

Bush v. Palm Beach County Canvassing Board, 531 U.S. 70 (2000)

Chambers v. Florida, 309 U.S. 227 (1940)

Chevron v. Natural Resources Defense Council, 467 U.S. 837 (1984)

Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, 558 U.S. 310 (2010)

Colegrove v. Green, 328 U.S. 549 (1946)

Conde-Vidal v. Garcia-Padilla, 54 F. Supp. 3d 157 (2014)

Cooper v. Aaron, 358 U.S. 1 (1958)

DeBoer v. Snyder, 772 F.3d 388, 421 (2014)

District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008)

Doe v. Bolton, 410 U.S. 179 (1973)

Doe v. Commonwealth’s Attorney of Richmond, 425 U.S. 901 (1976)

Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. 393 (1857)

Eisenstadt v. Baird, 405 U.S. 438 (1972)

Endrew F. v. Douglas County School District, 137 S. Ct. 988 (2017)

Evans v. Romer, 854 P.2d 1270 (Colo. 1993)

Federal Communications Commission v. Nextwave Personal Communications, 537 U.S. 293 (2003)

Federal Election Commission v. Wisconsin Right to Life, Inc., 551 U.S. 449 (2007)

Fisher v. University of Texas, 133 S. Ct. 2411 (2013)

Fletcher v. Peck, 10 U.S. 87 (1810

Garcetti v. Ceballos, 547 U.S. 410 (2006)

Garco Construction v. Speer, No. 17-225 (2018)

Gill v. Whitford, No. 16-1161 (2018)

Gonzales v. Carhart, 550 U.S. 124 (2007)

Gonzales v. Raich, 545 U.S. 1 (2005)

Goodridge v. Department of Public Health, 440 Mass. 309 (2003)

Gratz v. Bollinger, 539 U.S. 244 (2003)

Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479 (1965)

Grutter v. Bollinger, 539 U.S. 306 (2003)

Gutierrez-Brizuela v. Lynch, 834 F.3d 1142 (10th Cir. 2016)

Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, 548 U.S. 557 (2006)

Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, 542 U.S. 507 (2004)

Harris v. McRae, 448 U.S. 297 (1980)

Hicks v. United States, 137 S. Ct. 2000 (2017)

Hollingsworth v. Perry, 133 S. Ct. 2652 (2013)

Husted v. A. Philip Randolph Institute, No. 16-980 (2018)

Jacobs v. Seminole County Canvassing Board, 773 So.2d 519 (Fla. 2000)

Janus v. AFSCME, No. 16-1466 (2018)

King v. Burwell, 135 S. Ct. 475 (2015)

Korematsu v. United States, 323 U.S. 214 (1944)

Lawrence v. Texas, 539 U.S. 558 (2003)

League of United Latin American Citizens v. Perry, 548 U.S. 399 (2006)

Lochner v. New York, 198 U.S. 45 (1905)

Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967)

Lynch v. Household Finance, 405 U.S. 538 (1972)

Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 137 (1803)

Martin v. Hunter’s Lessee, 14 U.S. 304 (1816)

Maryland v. Baltimore Radio Show, 338 U.S. 912 (1950)

Masterpiece Cakeshop v. Colorado Civil Rights Commission, No. 16-111 (2018)

McConnell v. Federal Election Commission, 540 U.S. 93 (2003)

McCulloch v. Maryland, 17 U.S. 316 (1819)

McDonald v. Chicago, 561 U.S. 742 (2010)

Meyer v. Nebraska, 262 U.S. 390 (1923)

Minnesota Voters Alliance v. Mansky, No. 16-1435 (2018)

Miranda v. Arizona, 384 U.S. 436 (1964)

Missouri v. Jenkins, 515 U.S. 70 (1995)

Naim v. Naim, 197 Va. 734, appeal dismissed, 350 U.S. 985 (1956)

National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius, 567 U.S. 519 (2012)

National Institute of Family and Life Advocates v. Becerra, No. 16-1140 (2018)

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Q & A

A Conversation with David A. Kaplan
Author of
THE MOST DANGEROUS BRANCH
Inside the Supreme Court’s Assault on the Constitution
(Crown; September 4, 2018)

Q) You were the legal affairs editor at Newsweek for a decade. Why did you want to write this book?
A) After Antonin Scalia died in 2016, I kept hearing liberals and conservatives both hollering that “the next justice” could shape social policy “for a generation.” And nobody questioned that power. I aimed to challenge the orthodoxy. Anthony Kennedy’s retirement—just as I finished —made the timing particularly auspicious.

Q) There have been many books about the Court, including some by justices. What sets THE MOST DANGEROUS BRANCH apart?
A) I like to think it challenges the conventional wisdom held by justices, presidents, senators and observers. Plus, I hope the stories in the book offer an intimate look behind the scenes of this most secretive institution.
 
Q) You argue the Court repeatedly overreaches. Can you explain?
A)
The Court often issues rulings that run against popular opinion. That’s part of the job. But too often the justices intervene when they shouldn’t—whether on guns or campaign finance or abortion or same-sex marriage. Though it claims otherwise, the Court lacks institutional humility. It wasn’t always like that.

Q) You interviewed a majority of the current justices and dozens of former law clerks—as well as presidents, White House aides and administration officials. What surprised you?
A) A lot surprised me, which is one of the joys of writing a book. Some items: the chief justice’s indignation in 2016 at attacks on him by Republican candidates; how strongly many justices feel about Gorsuch; how little Trump understands about the Court; who Obama preferred to nominate instead of Merrick Garland; why Sandra Day O’Connor voted as she did in Bush v. Gore; and Clarence Thomas still being really mad.

Q) How do you think Gorsuch compares to Scalia?
A)
He’s mostly as advertised—rock-ribbed conservative and 30 years younger. Trump hopes his newest nominee, Brett Kavanaugh, is like Gorsuch—giving resolute control of the Court to the conservative bloc.

Q) You point out how the Court vacancy was a big factor in the 2016 election. What’s the significance?
A) Polls show many voters made their decision based on it. That made total sense—and is precisely the problem I’m trying to describe. It is surely not ideal that voters choose not on a presidential candidate’s character or policy positions, but chiefly on who they think will be nominated to the Court.
 
Q) What do you hope readers take away from the book?
A)
I hope readers will think differently about the Court’s role—and also that they’ll come away knowing more about these important nine individuals. The Court isn’t Olympus and the justices aren’t omniscient rulers.

Q) What is the solution for the problem you describe in THE MOST DANGEROUS BRANCH?
A) Ideally, there would be term limits for justices—say, a single 18-year term, staggered so every president gets to nominate. For starters, that would reduce pressure on presidents to name ever-younger justices. But such a change would require a constitutional amendment—which won’t happen. Better to hope a president and Senate someday recognize it is time to begin appointing more deferential, less triumphal justices.

Q) Your online bio mentions that several years ago you finished in 5th place out of 13,000 in the tryouts to be the new voice of the Aflac Duck.
A) Initially, I was to write an article on the tryouts. Then it was as much about winning. Alas, I did not. During reporting for this book, I was asked to do the voice in one justice’s chambers. I did. Very undignified!

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